For nearly 50 years, pro-life activists in the United States were galvanized in their fight against legalized abortion established as a constitutional right by the Supreme Court in its Roe v Wade decision.
When that ruling was overturned two years ago by the court’s Dobbs decision, these activists were overjoyed. The day they had long waited for, marched about, and prayed would happen, had finally arrived.
The ruling, which left it up to individual states to decide whether to ban abortions or allow them, brought an exuberance to the pro-life camp that had always felt it was fighting an uphill battle.
Suddenly, it seemed the tide was turning as numerous states put laws in place banning abortion.
But what also happened almost simultaneously was a seismic shift galvanizing those who supported laws favoring legalized abortion and even those who maybe hadn’t thought too much about these laws but now were mad that they had been taken away.
Many Americans, particularly the younger generation born after Roe, had long been accustomed to laws regarding reproductive rights and were angry that these were swept away in one decision. They joined in protests immediately after the court’s ruling was initially leaked and when it was formally announced months later, but they also protested in a more lasting way by voting in state ballot initiatives in favor of referendums to place protections on legal abortions.
And in numerous polls since Dobbs, growing public support for legalized abortion and dissatisfaction with new laws in place to restrict has been gaining momentum.
A column last fall in Commonweal Magazine, a US Catholic opinion journal, said that after the Dobbs decision, “the pro-life movement, having won the battle for control of the Supreme Court, is ill-prepared to win the culture war over abortion. Indeed, at present it seems to be losing.”
Republican activists have similarly expressed that despite the nation’s pro-life win, the overall winning feeling is missing.
An article last summer in the New Republic, a progressive commentary magazine, pointed out that anti-abortion groups have “yet to win a ballot initiative or state constitutional amendment referendum on the issue since the court’s decision in Dobbs.”
It added that this trend may not continue forever, “but for now and for the foreseeable future, the energy and democratic will is on their side. Americans in general have been fairly clear for years that they did not support overturning Roe v. Wade. Roe’s demise strengthened that position instead of diminishing it.”
The piece noted that not every state has ballot initiatives for constitutional amendments, and many have state legislatures that would block them, but even so, the country’s democratic impulse is “clearly being heard right now.”
And the pro-life activists, similarly pleased with the progress made, are not resting on any laurels. In other words, they know there is still a long way to go for the goal of “making abortion unthinkable,” as organizers of this year’s March for Life in Washington said.
At the start of the March, which takes place annually near the date of the Roe v. Wade decision, the event’s leader, Jeanne Mancini, said: “So much good has happened since the overturn of Roe v. Wade nearly a year and a half ago, but we are not done. The work to build a culture of life is far from finished.”
Instead of gloating about anti-abortion measures in place in many states, Mancini and other speakers highlighted the ongoing work ahead for the pro-life movement not just in legislative battles but in helping pregnant women throughout the country and in changing people’s minds about abortion.
Rep. Chris Smith, R- New Jersey, co-chairman of the Congressional Pro-Life Caucus, said he was “greatly encouraged” by the Dobbs decision, and even with setbacks since then, he said: “We are undeterred. We will not give up.”
That same fighting spirit was encouraged by Benjamin Watson, a former NFL football player, who reminded the crowd that “this is a new fight for life” in the post-Roe era when “abortion is still legal and thriving in too much of America.”
That combined optimism and caution over abortion bans has also been expressed by some of the nation’s bishops who remain steadfast in their defense of anti-abortion measures.
The US Conference of Catholic Bishops has repeatedly stressed that the “threat of abortion remains our preeminent priority.”
Bishop Michael Burbidge of Arlington, Virginia, chairman of the US bishops’ Committee on Pro-life Activities, told a reporter last December that the Dobbs decision was a moment to celebrate but “only a brief moment,” since the issue of abortion is in the hands of the states, and in many of them, he said, “the ballot-measure results are very unsettling.”
In states with abortion ballot initiatives, bishops urged voters to vote against abortion protections and were disappointed with the vote’s final tallies.
In Ohio, after an abortion rights amendment was approved last November, the state’s Catholic bishops said: “Today is a tragic day for women, children, and families in Ohio,” a day after the vote.
But in keeping with the spirit of the times, recognizing that the pro-life movement still faces an uphill battle, they added: “We must look ahead. Despite the obstacles this amendment presents, the Catholic Church in Ohio will continue to work for policies that defend the most vulnerable, strengthen the child-parent relationship, and support women in need.”
*Zimmermann is a national correspondent for ‘The Tablet’, the diocesan newspaper of Brooklyn, New York. For three decades she wrote for Catholic News Service, based in Washington.The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official editorial position of UCA News.
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